围绕叶尔马克的公开指控,重点不是“他与泽连斯基关系密切”本身,而是涉嫌通过房地产项目洗钱。
RTE在2026年5月报道称,乌克兰当局已将泽连斯基的前总统办公室主任叶尔马克列为嫌疑人,并指称他参与了一个犯罪集团,通过基辅郊外一处高端住宅综合体洗白约1050万美元 [3]。《基辅独立报》报道称,SAPO表示一名前总统办公室主任因与基辅郊外豪华住宅区建设有关的洗钱案受到指控;一名熟悉案件的执法部门消息人士向该报确认,此人是叶尔马克 [
6]。
这里有一个必须保留的关键限定。Daily Sabah报道称,乌克兰反腐机构在公告中并未直接公开这名官员姓名,但当地媒体普遍将其认定为叶尔马克 [2]。因此,更稳妥的表述是:叶尔马克被多家媒体报道为这一房地产洗钱分支中的嫌疑人或被控对象;这些报道并不等同于法院已经作出有罪判决 [
2][
3][
6]。
两条线之间的连接点,是“洗钱”这一指控逻辑。
“迈达斯行动”的主线,是Energoatom相关合同、回扣、侵吞和洗钱嫌疑 [25][
33]。而叶尔马克相关分支,据报道则是涉嫌通过基辅附近豪华住宅建设来清洗资金 [
3][
6]。Daily Sabah称,NABU描述的一个有组织团伙洗白了4.6亿格里夫纳;RTE则以美元口径写作约1050万美元 [
2][
3]。也有报道将房地产指控放在更大的“迈达斯行动”框架下,称能源招标中的非法收益被投入豪华项目 [
5]。
但这不意味着完整资金链已经在公开信息中被证明。就目前英文公开报道而言,Energoatom主案作为NABU/SAPO正在推进的反腐调查已有较多记录;而具体到叶尔马克和房地产项目之间的资金链,仍是需要在司法程序中检验的指控 [2][
3][
6][
25][
33]。
这起案子中,不同人的法律状态并不相同,不能一概而论。NABU在“迈达斯行动”初期称,已有5人被拘留、7人收到嫌疑通知,其中包括一名被指为犯罪组织头目的商人、一名前能源部长顾问,以及一名负责Energoatom实体保护和安全事务的高管 [26]。
叶尔马克辞职,是这起风波给泽连斯基政府带来的最直接政治打击。他长期被视为泽连斯基的“右手”,也是乌克兰战时行政体系中最有权力的人物之一 [8][
10]。2025年11月28日,他的住所和办公室被搜查,几小时后泽连斯基接受其辞职 [
10]。
时机也放大了冲击。《基辅独立报》报道称,搜查发生时,叶尔马克正率领乌克兰方面参与与美国的关键和平谈判;此前华盛顿提出的一份争议性方案,被该媒体描述为对俄罗斯许多最高诉求有利 [14]。
政府层面也受到波及。哈卢先科在“迈达斯行动”曝光后不久被暂停司法部长职务,随后被报道称受到指控 [20][
21]。UNITED24 Media报道称,这次行动已经引发内阁层面的停职,并导致Energoatom监督委员会被解散 [
35]。
对泽连斯基而言,这起案子的影响具有两面性。一方面,案件触及他身边人士,Atlantic Council称其为泽连斯基任内最大的腐败丑闻,政治伤害显而易见 [38]。另一方面,NABU和SAPO能够在战时对高级人物执行搜查、发出嫌疑通知并推动指控,也显示乌克兰反腐机构仍在压力之下运作 [
14][
33]。
现在的关键问题并不是“迈达斯行动是否存在”——已有多家报道记录NABU/SAPO围绕Energoatom推进的调查 [25][
26][
33]。真正悬而未决的是:每名被点名者的责任边界是什么、每一条资金链是否成立、法院最终会如何认定。
对叶尔马克尤其如此。现有报道支持的结论是:他被报道为一条豪华房地产洗钱分支中的嫌疑人或被控对象;同时也必须看到,部分机构公告并未公开点名,公开英文报道中也尚未呈现一条已经经法院检验的完整证据链 [2][
3][
6]。
“迈达斯行动”指向的是Energoatom至少1亿美元规模的涉嫌回扣、侵吞和洗钱网络 [33]。叶尔马克相关分支,据报道涉及4.6亿格里夫纳,RTE折算描述为约1050万美元,涉嫌通过基辅附近豪华住宅建设被清洗 [
2][
3][
6]。这场风波已经造成辞职、停职和起诉等政治与司法后果,但对叶尔马克及其他人的具体指控,仍需等待法院最终认定 [
10][
20][
26]。
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