Dependencies. Partner states face deep reliance on US-controlled hardware supply chains (especially NVIDIA and AMD chips), US cloud platforms (AWS, Azure, GCP), and American proprietary model ecosystems. They must accept US export controls as binding constraints on their own AI development, and their access level can be downgraded if alignment wavers . The system creates a security-driven hierarchy of AI access.
Architecture. China's approach centers on institution-building and capacity provision for the Global South, framed as "true multilateralism" and "AI for good" . The flagship vehicle is the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization (WAICO), launched at the July 2026 World AI Conference in Shanghai, which has already attracted 29 member countries
. WAICO is the world's first intergovernmental body dedicated exclusively to AI cooperation and governance, headquartered in Shanghai
. China promotes its 2023 Global AI Governance Initiative and 2025 Global AI Governance Action Plan (a 13-point roadmap) through UN platforms, the Belt and Road Initiative, and South-South cooperation frameworks
.
Offerings to partner states. Access to Chinese AI models (such as DeepSeek, Alibaba's Qwen), open-source frameworks, data center construction financing, technical training, and governance templates. China emphasizes "capacity-building," bridging the "intelligence divide," and inclusive growth — pitched especially to developing countries that feel excluded from the US-led tiered system . WAICO provides a formal governance home with a seat at the table for smaller states
.
Dependencies. Reliance on Chinese AI infrastructure, Chinese standards-setting in international bodies, and Chinese-designed governance norms . Beijing's approach uses cooperative language but also aims to embed its own technical standards and institutional frameworks globally, creating long-term alignment with Chinese state priorities
. Partners become nodes in a Chinese-led ecosystem where norms, hardware supply, and governance rules originate from Beijing.
Architecture. Middle powers (countries like Canada, South Korea, Australia, Singapore, the Nordics, and others in the EU and ASEAN) pursue a third path that avoids full alignment with either superpower. Rather than trying to replicate the full AI stack, they focus on downstream specialization: application-layer innovation, regulation, safety standards, and targeted niche capabilities in the global AI supply chain . This is a functional and rules-based track anchored in multilateral forums such as the UN's Global Dialogue on AI Governance, the EU AI Act framework, the OECD AI Principles, and new initiatives like the proposed Global Frontier AI Evaluation Framework
. The Cambridge Bennett School calls it "a third path between submission and autarky" .
Offerings to partner states. Regulatory predictability, interoperable governance standards, AI safety evaluation services, specialized hardware or software components (e.g., semiconductor design niches, domain-specific models), and a neutral diplomatic space that does not require choosing sides . The EU AI Act provides a regulatory template that many middle powers are adopting or adapting, offering a "caution-first" governance approach distinct from the US innovation-first and Chinese practice-first models . Middle powers also offer trusted convening power for multi-stakeholder governance initiatives .
Dependencies. Dependencies are lighter and more distributed than in the other two tracks. Partner states depend on the continued availability of frontier models from either the US or China — neither of which middle powers control at the foundation layer . However, by specializing in application layers, regulation, and evaluation, middle powers reduce single-point vendor lock-in. The main risk is that superpower competition degrades the open technical ecosystem that middle-power strategies rely on, or that export controls and supply chain restrictions limit the models and hardware available to them .
| Dimension | American-Secured Diffusion | Chinese Developmental Multilateralism | Functional Middle-Power Track |
|---|---|---|---|
| Core logic | Control the frontier, share conditionally | Build institutions, provide capacity | Regulate, specialize, interoperate |
| Lead actors | US government, US tech giants | Chinese government, state-linked firms | EU, OECD, UN forums, middle-power coalitions |
| Offerings | Cutting-edge chips, cloud, models | Access to Chinese models, financing, training | Regulatory templates, safety evaluations, niche tech |
| Key dependency | Deep: US supply chains and export controls | Deep: Chinese standards and infrastructure | Shallow: availability of open ecosystem |
| Risk for partners | Access revoked if alignment wavers | Lock-in to Chinese norms and hardware | Ecosystem degraded by superpower rivalry |
The three models are not mutually exclusive in theory — a country could participate in multiple tracks simultaneously — but in practice, the deepening competition between the US and China is forcing harder choices. The US model offers the most advanced technology but demands tight alignment. The Chinese model offers inclusive membership and financing but steers partners toward Beijing's standards. The middle-power track offers more autonomy and lighter dependencies, but it relies on an open global ecosystem that superpower rivalries could erode.
For now, the landscape remains fluid. But with WAICO now operational and the US AI Action Plan explicitly targeting "export American AI to allies and partners" while countering Chinese influence , countries will increasingly need to decide which pathway — or combination of pathways — serves their long-term interests.