On July 31, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni announced a one-month suspension of the Schengen free-movement regime with Spain for air and sea links. The move took effect on August 1 and was scheduled to run until September 1 . Italy formally notified the European Commission under Articles 25 and 28 of the Schengen Borders Code (SBC), citing a threat to public policy, internal security, and migration management
.
What the checks looked like: The restrictions involved targeted identity checks on non-EU travelers arriving from Spain at Italian airports and ports . Travelers reported physical checkpoints with separate lanes for flights arriving from Spain
. EU citizens traveling between the two countries were not affected.
Italy's justification: Meloni described the measure as "extraordinary," adopted to safeguard national security . The government argued that the mass influx into Ceuta created a real risk that unregistered migrants would move onward to Italy
. Domestic far-right political pressure also played a role
.
Spain's government issued a formal ultimatum: Italy had until Sunday, August 9, to lift its border controls. If Rome failed to comply, Madrid warned it would impose "proportionate measures to protect the interests and dignity of its citizens" . Spain publicly described Italy's checks as "unjustified and discriminatory" and argued they were "contrary to EU interests"
. The Spanish position was that the Ceuta crisis had been resolved — most migrants had already returned to Morocco — making Italy's restrictions baseless
.
Italy's government rejected what it called "ultimatums" from Madrid, stating it would not be pressured into lifting its security measures . Rome said the checks would stay in place until at least August 15
.
When the deadline passed, Spain imposed border controls on all air and sea travel from Italy — including passport, nationality, and visa checks on Italian travelers. The measures took effect at midnight on Saturday, August 9, and were scheduled to last until September 7 . Italian passengers arriving at Barcelona airport were subject to random police checks
.
The European Commission received formal notifications from both countries: Italy's on August 1, and Spain's around August 8. Both were filed under the SBC provisions for temporary reintroduction of internal border checks . The EU's official portal listed both alongside other temporary Schengen reintroductions by member states
.
EU officials publicly characterized both sets of measures as temporary and localized, stating they posed no lasting threat to the Schengen zone's overall integrity . The Commission did not call for sanctions or mediation, effectively allowing the bilateral dispute to unwind on its own timeline.
The core disagreement was never about the Ceuta crisis itself, but about its aftermath and the risk of secondary movement:
Spain argued it had contained the crisis. The vast majority of the 50,000–80,000 entrants had voluntarily returned to Morocco within days, and crossings had stopped after Spain reinforced border security with a 500-meter floating barrier . Madrid saw Italy's move as a political overreaction and a breach of Schengen solidarity.
Italy argued Spain had lost control of its external border. Meloni's government claimed that tens of thousands of people — many unregistered — had entered Schengen territory, and that Italy had a legitimate right to protect itself from onward secondary movements, even if most had technically gone back to Morocco .
This tit-for-tat escalation between two major EU member states was a rare stress test for the Schengen framework. While both measures were temporary and the EU downplayed the risk of permanent damage, the episode revealed just how quickly a border crisis in one member state can trigger a breakdown of free movement across the bloc.