The statement was not an isolated outburst. It capped months of combative rhetoric from Ghalibaf, who in April and May had declared that Iran "harbors no trust in the adversary" and was ready to provide a "well-deserved" response to any renewed U.S. attacks . The warning, amplified by the IRGC's own media, underscores a central tension: Ghalibaf is both Iran's lead negotiator with the U.S. and a former senior IRGC commander who served as head of the IRGC Air Force before entering politics
. His dual identity means the security establishment he once commanded is monitoring the deal warily and will hold Washington to account
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The MoU, signed by President Donald Trump and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, is structured as a two-phase process that CNN described as creating "big commitments from Washington, not from Tehran" . A draft obtained by multiple news outlets lays out the following key provisions
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Phase 1 — Immediate (upon signing):
Phase 2 — Deferred (60-day negotiation window):
The core asymmetry is clear: Iran receives substantial economic relief immediately — including tens of billions of dollars in oil revenues and frozen assets — while its major commitments, especially on the nuclear front, are delayed until Phase 2 talks . As CNN's analysis put it, the memorandum "allows Iran to gain substantial benefits immediately... in return for refraining from attacking vessels in the Strait of Hormuz"
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Ghalibaf's warnings were echoed by IRGC Quds Force commander Esmail Qaani, who emerged from months of public silence to frame the deal not as a diplomatic compromise but as proof that the U.S. was forced to the negotiating table . In a series of statements in June 2026, Qaani delivered several pointed messages
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Qaani's remarks, carried by Iranian state media, reinforced the hardline narrative that the framework was a victory for Tehran — that Iran had "outlasted" the U.S. militarily and economically . He stated that the Bab al-Mandeb Strait "is fully in the hands" of Iran's allies, suggesting that Iran's capacity to disrupt global shipping remains intact regardless of the deal
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The broader context is that Iran's hardline establishment is publicly framing the MoU not as a concession but as evidence that Washington was exhausted and forced to sue for peace . This narrative serves a domestic political purpose: it allows leaders like Ghalibaf and Qaani to present economic relief as a dividend of resistance, not diplomacy.
At the same time, Ghalibaf's and Qaani's repeated warnings reveal deep skepticism within the IRGC that Washington will deliver on its promises, particularly on sanctions relief and the $300 billion reconstruction fund . Ghalibaf has consistently stated that "we will not approve any agreement until we are certain that we have secured the rights of the Iranian people" and that those working on diplomacy "had no trust in the US words or promises"
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This skepticism is not new. As early as May 2026, Ghalibaf insisted that the U.S. had "no alternative" but to accept Iran's 14-point proposal, warning that "the longer they drag their feet, the more American taxpayers will pay for it" . Even after the deal was signed, he told state media that Iran's distrust of the U.S. remained, and the country's "finger is on the trigger"
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The fundamental risk built into this framework is that Iran receives its major benefits upfront — oil revenue, frozen assets, and a promised $300 billion fund — while its most significant commitments, especially on nuclear enrichment, are deferred. If Washington stumbles on implementation, or if hardliners in Tehran decide the U.S. has not delivered enough, Iran's negotiators have already provided the public justification to walk away.
As Ghalibaf put it on June 13: "Commitments made must be commitments kept. No ifs, no buts, no excuses. You reap what you sow" . The question now is whether the U.S. can deliver on its promises fast enough to keep Iran's "finger" off the trigger during the 60-day window when the hardest issues — the fate of Iran's nuclear program — are still on the table.
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