By February 2025, the scale of the concealment became clear. Senegal’s Court of Auditors found that the deficit had been underestimated by 5.6% of GDP annually between 2019 and 2023, pushing the end-2023 debt-to-GDP ratio from 74% to 99.7%—implying roughly $7 billion in hidden borrowing . The debt load has since exceeded 130% of GDP .
For much of 2025 and early 2026, Sonko anchored himself to an unambiguous position: no restructuring, period.
In November 2025, he called the IMF’s proposed debt restructuring a “disgrace” during a party rally in Dakar, declaring the government would reject any revision of its debt . He framed the resistance as a matter of financial sovereignty and preserving market access . The same month, the IMF acknowledged Senegal’s “sovereign right” to decide its own debt operations—an implicit concession to Sonko’s rhetoric .
By January 2026, Sonko escalated further. At a joint press conference with Mauritania’s prime minister, he announced Senegal would not seek a restructuring plan at all, insisting the country’s debt was “sustainable” despite the mounting fiscal pressure . That position increasingly put him at odds with President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, who favored more direct engagement with the IMF .
The political partnership that had brought both men to power ruptured in May 2026. President Faye dismissed Sonko as prime minister, with their divergent approaches to the debt crisis cited as the breaking point . The removal was more than a cabinet reshuffle—it was a structural shift in Senegal’s negotiating posture, removing the government’s most vocal anti-restructuring voice from the executive table .
Sonko did not fade from relevance. He was subsequently elected Speaker of the National Assembly, a role that distances him from direct negotiation but gives him a powerful platform to influence the legislative approval any IMF deal would require .
On June 15, 2026—days before IMF mission chief Vera Martin was scheduled to arrive in Dakar —Sonko gave his first major interview since leaving government. The tone was unrecognizable from his November rhetoric.
He acknowledged that the National Assembly would assess debt solutions, including a possible restructuring, based on a new litmus test. “We didn’t want a wild restructuring,” Sonko said. “I opposed it throughout the time I served as prime minister because the conditions were not in place” .
From that interview and his broader public positions, two conditions for IMF negotiations emerge:
1. The “economic transformation” test. Any debt solution—restructuring, reprofiling, or otherwise—must be judged by whether it advances Senegal’s broader economic-transformation agenda. Sonko has abandoned ideological opposition in favor of this pragmatic benchmark .
2. Sovereignty in decision-making. Sonko has consistently insisted Senegal alone should decide its debt course. The IMF’s own November 2025 statement, affirming that the nature of debt operations “is ultimately a sovereign choice,” lends weight to this condition and may provide space for a negotiated outcome that both sides can claim as a win .
Several forces converged to produce Sonko’s shift. The fiscal math became inescapable: debt exceeding 130% of GDP, bond markets near historic lows, and an IMF program frozen for over a year and a half . The political landscape transformed: Sonko’s removal from the premiership stripped him of the executive responsibility that made his earlier intransigence so consequential, while his new speakership offers a different kind of leverage—the ability to shape, rather than block, a deal.
Crucially, the IMF talks themselves are entering a decisive phase. Mission chief Vera Martin was due in Dakar around mid-June 2026 for several days of technical discussions , and Sonko’s interview was timed directly ahead of that visit . The messaging shift signals that even the most vocal opponents within Senegal’s ruling coalition are now preparing the political ground for a structured IMF agreement—on their own terms.
For international investors and Senegalese citizens alike, the question is no longer whether Senegal will engage the IMF, but what conditions the National Assembly will ultimately impose on any deal that emerges from the emergency talks.