The principle Blanco advocates is straightforward: restrict or ban equipment from non-western suppliers—primarily Chinese manufacturers—from being used in European wind farms, whether publicly funded or entirely private . He told the Financial Times that the rule should apply to "all new wind capacity connecting to European grids, not only publicly supported projects" .
This would go far beyond the EU's Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR), which launched an in-depth investigation into Goldwind, China's second-largest wind turbine maker, in February 2026 . The FSR allows the European Commission to examine whether Beijing's state support enables Chinese firms to underbid European rivals in public tenders. If the EU can prove that "possible foreign subsidies include grants, preferential loans, tax breaks, and the provision of goods and services at below-market prices," it can impose remedies .
But Blanco wants a legislative firewall, not case-by-case investigations. His model echoes the domestic content requirements of the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act, although with a transatlantic twist—the protected class would be "western" suppliers rather than strictly American ones . Chinese turbines, typically priced 20–50% below European equivalents, would be locked out of EU procurement regardless of whether individual manufacturers are found to be dumping or receiving illegal subsidies.
Blanco's hardline stance reflects the brutal economics facing European turbine makers. The sector has been hemorrhaging money for years. Siemens Gamesa, the wind division of Siemens Energy, reported a loss before special items of €1.78 billion in fiscal 2024—an improvement from the catastrophic €4.35 billion loss the prior year, but still deeply in the red . The combined losses of the four largest Western turbine makers—Vestas, Siemens Gamesa, GE, and Nordex—exceeded €5 billion in a single recent year on sales of more than €41 billion .
Nordex itself has not been spared. The company broke even at the EBITDA level in 2023 after a €244 million loss the previous year, but continues to face margin compression from rising raw material costs and fierce price competition from Chinese rivals . Higher turbine prices secured in newer orders have improved the outlook, but the underlying competitive dynamic remains unchanged: Chinese manufacturers like Goldwind and Envision are bidding aggressively on European projects, and European companies say they cannot match those prices without state intervention .
The year 2024 marked a symbolic turning point: it was the first time Western turbine makers collectively lost market share leadership to Chinese firms in global onshore wind installations . Blanco, who also serves as chair of WindEurope, the industry's main trade body, has warned that "the expansion of wind energy will be made in China, not in Europe" unless urgent action is taken .
The Nordex CEO's proposed ban did not emerge in isolation. It is part of a synchronized wave of EU trade actions against Chinese clean-energy equipment that has been building since early 2024.
In May 2026, the EU adopted restrictive measures classifying certain Chinese inverters and power components as "high-risk," making them ineligible for critical EU grid infrastructure projects . The European Investment Bank and European Investment Fund simultaneously tightened financing conditions for projects involving equipment from "high-risk countries" . These restrictions were driven by cybersecurity concerns, with think-tank reports warning that Chinese-made grid components—including inverters and wind turbine control systems—could pose risks to European energy infrastructure .
The solar sector, which has a longer history of EU-China trade friction, has seen a flurry of recent activity. The EU re-imposed temporary tariffs on Chinese PV modules in June 2025, and an anti-dumping and countervailing duty sunset review investigation into Chinese solar glass remains active . The European Commission also launched an FSR probe in April 2024 into whether two Chinese firms submitted unfair bids for a 110-megawatt solar park in Romania .
Blanco's call for a direct ban on Chinese wind turbines follows this pattern but raises the stakes considerably. The inverter restrictions target components deemed high-risk; the solar tariffs are calibrated anti-dumping measures; the wind turbine FSR investigations examine specific cases of suspected unfair subsidies. None of these approaches amount to the blanket exclusion Blanco now demands for all new wind capacity.
The Nordex CEO's push fits into a wider EU strategy to de-risk clean-energy supply chains that Brussels increasingly views as a strategic vulnerability. The European Union had 192 definitive trade defense measures in force at the end of 2024, composed of 124 anti-dumping measures and 38 extensions of anti-dumping measures . Clean-energy technologies form a growing share of this docket.
The European Commission is now running multiple investigations into Chinese solar, wind, and grid equipment simultaneously, treating clean-energy supply chains as a dependency risk comparable to Russian gas . The FSR, which began applying in July 2023, has become a key tool. It allows the Commission to investigate and remedy market distortions caused by foreign subsidies in public procurement and other market situations . Beyond the Goldwind probe, the Commission launched a broader inquiry into Chinese wind turbine manufacturers in April 2024, initially examining unfair trade practices in five markets: Bulgaria, France, Greece, Romania, and Spain .
Yet the policy response remains fragmented. Some voices within EU policy circles advocate a more market-oriented approach. A European Council on Foreign Relations policy brief argued that Europe should aim to "make Europe the world's most genuinely competitive market for wind energy—including for Chinese companies," while also developing resilient supply chains . The tension between protection and competition has not been resolved.
Blanco's "western-origin principle" represents the most aggressive version of the protectionist path. It would essentially create a legislative firewall around European renewable energy markets, abandoning the pretense that anti-dumping duties or subsidy investigations alone can preserve a domestic industry now facing existential competition. Whether Brussels will adopt such a sweeping measure remains uncertain, but the political pressures—from industry losses to grid security fears to the lesson of Russian gas dependency—continue to push the EU toward ever-tighter restrictions on Chinese clean-tech equipment.