That outlook does not guarantee widespread crop failure. Authorities have promoted earlier planting, irrigation repairs, water pumps and shorter-maturity seeds to protect production. Indonesia has also said it does not currently expect to import rice in 2026, although the effectiveness of these measures will depend on local water access and the timing of rainfall.
The main agricultural transmission in India is through the monsoon. Below-normal rainfall and higher temperatures threaten rain-fed kharif crops such as rice and maize by delaying sowing, reducing yields and weakening farm incomes. The World Meteorological Organization’s seasonal outlook identified an increased probability of below-normal rainfall over the Indian subcontinent, while other regional outlooks point to above-normal temperatures across much of South and Southeast Asia.
India is entering this risk period with food prices already elevated. Official July 2026 data put food inflation at 5.52%, compared with rural headline inflation of 4.84% and urban inflation of 3.96%. A poor harvest could therefore affect both household purchasing power and the policy choices facing the Reserve Bank of India: food-price pressure can make it harder to support growth without risking broader inflation.
The basic chain is straightforward:
This means El Niño can create both a supply shock and a cost shock. Fertilizer shortages and expensive fuel would make it more difficult for farmers to compensate for poor weather, while trade restrictions or currency depreciation could amplify local prices even when global inventories remain adequate. Reports have already linked concerns over crop supplies with fertilizer and fuel disruptions.
The result is likely to be slower growth in vulnerable economies rather than an automatic global recession. The greatest damage would fall on rural households, food-importing countries and consumers who spend a large share of their income on staples.
Palm oil is exposed to two forces at once: Indonesia’s policy-driven demand and the delayed effect of drought on oil-palm yields.
Indonesia’s B50 biodiesel mandate, introduced in July 2026, is projected to increase domestic palm-oil consumption by 11% to 25.3 million metric tonnes and reduce exportable supplies to 23.1 million tonnes in 2026/27. A larger share of Indonesia’s crop going into fuel leaves less available to international buyers, putting upward pressure on edible-oil markets.
Weather effects may arrive later. Malaysia’s SD Guthrie expects El Niño to affect palm-oil production in 2027 and 2028, while much of 2026 output is expected to remain broadly unaffected because the production response follows a 12-to-16-month lag. That delay matters for food planning: prices can react to expectations before plantations show their full physical losses.
The combination of B50 demand and drought has already raised concerns about tighter palm-oil balances and lower global reserves. One market report cited a forecast that global palm-oil reserves could fall to a nine-year low in the 2026–27 season. Import-dependent consumers could feel the effect through cooking oil and other products that use vegetable oils.
Near-record inventories and government reserves can cushion international grain availability. India’s wheat and rice stocks were reported to be above strategic reserves, providing a potential buffer against price spikes.
But inventories are not the same as affordable food. Stocks help only when governments release them, imports can reach deficit regions, transport remains available and trade policy does not block supplies. Export restrictions, panic buying, currency weakness and uneven distribution can turn sufficient global stocks into local scarcity.
This is why the most plausible risk is a patchwork crisis: serious shortages or unaffordable food in drought-hit districts and low-income importing countries, alongside adequate supplies elsewhere.
Poor households, smallholders without irrigation, conflict-affected communities and countries dependent on imported food have the least ability to absorb higher prices. Early-warning systems, anticipatory cash or food assistance, access to seed and fertilizer, irrigation support and open trade can reduce the damage.
The frequently cited estimate that 49 million additional people could face acute food insecurity by the end of 2027 is not independently supported by the evidence available here. It should therefore be treated as an unverified scenario, not a confirmed forecast.
The strongest evidence points to four linked outcomes:
A worldwide grain shortage is less likely than localized shortages and affordability crises. The risk becomes materially worse if prolonged drought coincides with fertilizer and diesel disruptions, export restrictions or delayed humanitarian action.
That outlook does not guarantee widespread crop failure. Authorities have promoted earlier planting, irrigation repairs, water pumps and shorter-maturity seeds to protect production. Indonesia has also said it does not currently expect to import rice in 2026, although the effectiveness of these measures will depend on local water access and the timing of rainfall.
The main agricultural transmission in India is through the monsoon. Below-normal rainfall and higher temperatures threaten rain-fed kharif crops such as rice and maize by delaying sowing, reducing yields and weakening farm incomes. The World Meteorological Organization’s seasonal outlook identified an increased probability of below-normal rainfall over the Indian subcontinent, while other regional outlooks point to above-normal temperatures across much of South and Southeast Asia.
India is entering this risk period with food prices already elevated. Official July 2026 data put food inflation at 5.52%, compared with rural headline inflation of 4.84% and urban inflation of 3.96%. A poor harvest could therefore affect both household purchasing power and the policy choices facing the Reserve Bank of India: food-price pressure can make it harder to support growth without risking broader inflation.
The basic chain is straightforward:
This means El Niño can create both a supply shock and a cost shock. Fertilizer shortages and expensive fuel would make it more difficult for farmers to compensate for poor weather, while trade restrictions or currency depreciation could amplify local prices even when global inventories remain adequate. Reports have already linked concerns over crop supplies with fertilizer and fuel disruptions.
The result is likely to be slower growth in vulnerable economies rather than an automatic global recession. The greatest damage would fall on rural households, food-importing countries and consumers who spend a large share of their income on staples.
Palm oil is exposed to two forces at once: Indonesia’s policy-driven demand and the delayed effect of drought on oil-palm yields.
Indonesia’s B50 biodiesel mandate, introduced in July 2026, is projected to increase domestic palm-oil consumption by 11% to 25.3 million metric tonnes and reduce exportable supplies to 23.1 million tonnes in 2026/27. A larger share of Indonesia’s crop going into fuel leaves less available to international buyers, putting upward pressure on edible-oil markets.
Weather effects may arrive later. Malaysia’s SD Guthrie expects El Niño to affect palm-oil production in 2027 and 2028, while much of 2026 output is expected to remain broadly unaffected because the production response follows a 12-to-16-month lag. That delay matters for food planning: prices can react to expectations before plantations show their full physical losses.
The combination of B50 demand and drought has already raised concerns about tighter palm-oil balances and lower global reserves. One market report cited a forecast that global palm-oil reserves could fall to a nine-year low in the 2026–27 season. Import-dependent consumers could feel the effect through cooking oil and other products that use vegetable oils.
Near-record inventories and government reserves can cushion international grain availability. India’s wheat and rice stocks were reported to be above strategic reserves, providing a potential buffer against price spikes.
But inventories are not the same as affordable food. Stocks help only when governments release them, imports can reach deficit regions, transport remains available and trade policy does not block supplies. Export restrictions, panic buying, currency weakness and uneven distribution can turn sufficient global stocks into local scarcity.
This is why the most plausible risk is a patchwork crisis: serious shortages or unaffordable food in drought-hit districts and low-income importing countries, alongside adequate supplies elsewhere.
Poor households, smallholders without irrigation, conflict-affected communities and countries dependent on imported food have the least ability to absorb higher prices. Early-warning systems, anticipatory cash or food assistance, access to seed and fertilizer, irrigation support and open trade can reduce the damage.
The frequently cited estimate that 49 million additional people could face acute food insecurity by the end of 2027 is not independently supported by the evidence available here. It should therefore be treated as an unverified scenario, not a confirmed forecast.
The strongest evidence points to four linked outcomes:
A worldwide grain shortage is less likely than localized shortages and affordability crises. The risk becomes materially worse if prolonged drought coincides with fertilizer and diesel disruptions, export restrictions or delayed humanitarian action.